Category: ‘Opportunity Areas’

  • ‘Opportunity areas’

    ‘Opportunity areas’

    WHOSE OPPORTUNITY ?

    From the beginning of London Plans in 2000 the label ‘opportunity area’ has been applied to major sites for development. Initially there were a dozen or so; by 2021 there were 47, with London Mayors adding more in each revision of the Plan.

    Initially these areas were former industrial or transport lands being prepared for housing or employment or other new uses – like King’s Cross Railway Lands and the remaining parts of Docklands. Displacement of existing users was not a big issue. But in later decades the OA label has been applied to fully occupied areas, where powerful impacts can be felt by residents, public services and existing businesses, like in the City Fringe, Elephant and Castle, Park Royal and Vauxhall, Nine Elms and Battersea (VNEB).

    Just Space has been very critical of the pulling together of so many different areas that operate under this policy: they tend to prioritise less affordable housing, less green space, less family housing and higher densities. Also, people are displaced from their homes and businesses, such as in the Elephant and Castle. And there are no transparent or democratic mechanisms to designate an Opportunity Area in the first place, to prepare a development plan or manage the resulting area.

    Basically, whatever is agreed between the Mayor’s staff and the relevant Borough – and often major landowners and developers – gets put in to the Opportunity Area plan.

    Just Space has made submissions about this in the last London Plan hearings and more recently contributed to a London Assembly investigation. This included the two Opportunity Areas that are also Mayoral Development Corporations, which have their own brand of unaccountability.

    Solutions in our COMMUNITY-LED PLAN

    • There must be a full review, documentation and assessment of Opportunity Areas to date.
    • Until this takes place, there must be a moratorium on the declaration of any further Opportunity Areas and no more approvals of Opportunity Area Planning Frameworks.
    • The Mayor of London needs to put a system in place to make already designated Opportunity Areas function more democratically and adhere to strict public participation principles.
    • A community audit before designation An audit of population, economy, social infrastructure and local needs by community organisations or co-produced with community groups before any new area is designated or targets set.

    LINKS, GROUPS CAMPAIGNING ON THIS ISSUE

    Find Opportunity Areas on the Mayor of London’s map

    Grand Union Alliance (at Old Oak and Park Royal)

    Thames Life CDT (At Barking Riverside and Thames View)

    Latin Elephant

    Brent Cross Coalition http://brentcrosscoalition.blogspot.co.uk/ 

    How the Mayor of London turns an urban planning device into a £22 billion ‘investment prospectus’ (Public Interest Law Centre)

    ARCHIVE

  • Woodberry Down: we can help rescue the later phases

    Woodberry Down: we can help rescue the later phases

    Submission by Pat Turnbull to Hackney Council consultation – urgent

    The Consultation Masterplan from Berkeley Homes for Woodberry Down Phases 5 to 8 is under consultation till 5 December 2023 with a view to an ‘outline planning application’ being submitted in Spring 2024.  [Editor: there are various dates mentioned as closing dates and it is always worth sending comments even after the formal close. Go to https://hackney.gov.uk/woodberry-down/  Email planning@hackney.gov.uk ]

    The document is drawn up in a misleading way.  Many pages are devoted to landscaping, infrastructure etc and only right at the end do we come to the crux of the matter – the housing.  In consultations people quoted in the document have asked for more desperately needed affordable housing – I’m sure what they really meant was social rented housing, the only kind that is actually affordable to most Londoners, especially those in greatest need.  But that’s not what we are getting.

    Several times the regeneration is referred to as lasting twenty years.  Nevertheless as the document says itself ‘The regeneration of Woodberry Down was first planned in the 1990s’.  That means it has been going on in one form or another for over twenty years already and we are only on Phase 3 of 8.  This has built a terrible uncertainty into the lives of everyone living on Woodberry Down.  It is already 18 years since plans were approved in 2005, to then be altered in 2014.  Building work began in 2009.  So for much of this time residents have been living on a building site, with all the noise, vibrations, dust and mess connected with it.

    The regeneration has had other effects.  A Freedom of Information request submitted by Vice News revealed that in 2002, there were 1,722 homes occupied at social rent on the Woodberry Down estate.  In 2020 when the FoI request was submitted, there were 1,269, a 26 per cent fall.  (‘It’s an exercise in profit – the 20-year “regeneration” plan forcing people from their homes’, Vice News, 15.9.20).   More recently, Geoff Bell, longstanding Woodberry Down resident, said this: ‘During Phase 3, more social homes were demolished than built.  There is no indication this will change in phases 5 to 8.’ (‘Campaigners speak out over loss of council homes in major rebuild of Woodberry Down estate’, Hackney Citizen, 17.11.23)

    The Consultation Masterplan says: ‘Every permanent council tenant on the estate can move into a brand new social rent home on the estate that meets their household needs.’  There are however many people on Woodberry Down with temporary tenancies because of the protracted nature of the regeneration.  What happens to them?  Even for the permanent tenants this can mean losing a family home which they would expect to stay in for life and getting a one-bedroom flat in exchange.  That’s apart from the fact that a lot of the social rented housing is on the less pleasant parts of the estate, overlooking Seven Sisters Road, leaving the Woodberry Wetlands and other views as selling points for Berkeley’s market housing. 

    What compensation have Woodberry Down residents and other Hackney people in desperate need of a permanent home, had for this tension and upheaval?  The estate originally had nearly 2000 council social rented homes. The 2014 revision projected 5,557 homes in all with only 1200 of them social rented.  Not one of these will be a council home.  Such social rented homes as are provided will be Notting Hill Genesis housing association;  housing associations are private bodies, so there will no longer be any public housing on this 64-acre site.

    The ’benefits to date’ consist of 2,901 homes of which only 654 are social rented.  In phases 5 to 8 Berkeley Homes is proposing to provide only 41.7 per cent ‘affordable’ housing, of which only 43 per cent will be social rent, the remainder being unaffordable shared ownership, aimed at households earning up to £90,000 a year.

    We are told that in the 1990s ‘structural surveys showed the estate with 2000 homes was too costly and complex to refurbish.’  Much of this housing is still standing in 2023.  So how accurate was this assessment and how much of the decision was instead driven by the desire prevalent at the time to get rid of council estates and replace them with what was described as ‘mixed and balanced’ developments?  How ‘mixed and balanced’ is Woodberry Down today?

    According to an article in the Hackney Citizen of 20.8.19 (‘Handful of leaseholders resist council plans for Woodberry Down development’), Hackney Council agreed to give Berkeley the Woodberry Down land on a 999-year lease.  In the context of the housing crisis today, this seems an unforgivable decision.   In 2021 there were 13,400 on the Hackney Council waiting list, which had already been arbitrarily slashed some seven years previously, and was now again slashed to around 8,500.  This was no indication of the need for council housing but simply an expedient decision because there was no council housing to give them.  Apparently people were to be offered ‘personalised support to explore other options to find a home’ a process which actually redirected households into insecure, expensive, poorly regulated private rented housing.  In October 2019 the median market asking rent as a proportion of median income for two people in Hackney was 38 per cent; in October 2023 it had gone up to 44 per cent. (Guardian from TwentiCi, annual survey of hours and earnings.)  There are 3,000 Hackney residents in temporary accommodation.

    Berkeley has had this gift from the council and it has certainly made the most of it. Nobody will ever be able to find how much profit Berkeley has already made out of what was once a council estate.  Woodberry Down was one of the bases on which Berkeley has expanded into a widespread developer.  Isn’t it time the council demanded something back from Berkeley – not Woodberry Wetlands but social rented housing?    

    Since the 1990s there has also been increasing consciousness of the environmental impact of unnecessary demolition and construction.  Ought we not also therefore to re-examine the 1990s decision to demolish the whole estate?  At different times residents have called for refurbishment rather than demolition, for example resident Klaus Graichen who in 2011 had lived on the estate for 15 years (‘Hackney Council scrambles to plug £60 million hole in Woodberry Down scheme’, Hackney Citizen, 11.1.11).  Ought the council not to take another look at the possibility of refurbishing parts of the estate, particularly the more recently built parts on Green Lanes north of Manor House (Rowley Gardens)?

    It should never be too late to reconsider ill thought out decisions that have had such severe effects on Hackney citizens in desperate need of social rented homes.   

    Tom Cordell kindly lets us link to a clip he filmed of (the late) Tony Pidgley, head of Berkeley Homes, in exchanges with Sadiq Khan in Croydon

  • Taking stock of Opportunity Areas

    Taking stock of Opportunity Areas

    May 2023. Many of the strongest calls for change in London planning have, in effect, been criticisms of Opportunity Areas, the mechanisms which govern major physical developemnts in the city and are so often spurned as just Opportunities for Developers.

    Taking stock of many years of engagement, Just Space has just produced a draft document to help members decide what to do next.

    The term Opportunity Area has been in use since the 1990s, applied to areas where very large scale change through development is planned. This report summarises the big shifts in how the designation has been used, initially for the modernisation of employment in under-used industrial, port or railway land, but now for many ordinary parts of occupied London, the aim nowadays being mainly to create development sites for housing through intensification.

    Community groups in and around the affected areas have criticised and resisted many of these schemes for decades and tried to secure changes to the London Plan policies which govern them, with scant success. The criticisms have been that the designation, planning and target-setting of OAs have lacked transparency and democracy, as have the mechanisms for implementation. Areas have been planned without the necessary understanding of the social and economic life of the affected areas and the outcomes have mostly been detrimental to working class, including minoritised, communities and to many businesses. Just Space continues to argue that there should be no further designations until a serious review of the programme has been completed and digested.

    In the last 2 years Just Space has collaborated with the Planning and Regeneration Committee of the London Assembly which, in turn, has put pressure on the Mayor of London (the planners in the GLA) and secured a new policy document and web site. This represents modest progress.

    The aim of the new Just Space report is to bring a scattered narrative up to date and form a basis for Just Space member groups to consider what further steps, if any, to take on this issue in the wider context of how London will be planned in the current emergencies. It thus complements the Community-led Recovery Plan for London prepared during the worst of the Pandemic.

    *********************************

    Because this report was facilitated by UCL Bartlett School of Planning’s knowledge exchange with Just Space, it is being presented initially to students before the summer term ends. The meeting is open to all. Friday 12 May 1600h-1800h, mainly face-to-face but with a zoom option.

    The presentation slides and (soon) a video record of the UCL meeting are at https://ucljustspace.wordpress.com/2023/05/16/briefings-in-may-2023/
    Comments on the draft document are very welcome and can be added to the version at
    https://docs.google.com/document/d/1M0xyFMHDw0u1jlCiRjc6L4JupZeg76w1RLW3IKAy4T4/edit#heading=h.hhnujb12n0kt
    Bartlett briefing Just Space and Opportunity Areas. eventbrite.co.uk

    checked M. E. 27 July 2025

  • Mayor’s Development Corporations: not going well

    Mayor’s Development Corporations: not going well

    3 December 2022. When the London Assembly Planning and Regeneration Committee finally got around to discussing Mayoral Development Corporations on 23 November, we made some strong oral statements about what’s been such a disappointment (or worse) at the Corporation which governs the Olympic park and surroundings (LLDC). We had also submitted detailed written evidence in advance. (See previous post.)

    The complete video record and agenda papers are here, and the transcript will appear later.

    The Committee’s plan had been to scrutinise both Corporations at the same meeting but they switched to an emphasis on LLDC, so they stood down the community speakers lined up to give evidence about the other one, Old Oak Common and Park Royal OPDC. But they still invited the bosses from OPDC who were able to make their speeches unchallenged.

    We have written a strong letter to the committee and are sending all our evidence also to the Budget and Resources Committee which is scrutinising both Corporations on Wednesday 7 December at 10.00. We can all attend in person or online or catch up later. Details here. The Old Oak Neighbourhood Forum has also sent a very strong and detailed statement which you can read here, along with ours. Added 6 December a strong letter from Prof Jennifer Robinson .

    Our letter to the Planning and Regeneration Committee, copied also to the Budget and Resources Committee, is as follows:

    Sakina Sheikh AM, 
    Chair of Planning and Regeneration
    City Hall + members and staff of P&R committee

    Dear Sakina

    Mayoral Development Corporations

    Following the Committee’s meeting on 23 November there were many loose ends and we considered it necessary to write to you all. We would be glad of a reply to the following points, either in writing or in a virtual or F2F meeting.

    1. We have been pleased with the way in which your committee has, this session, taken some community voices on board but it has been hard to keep up with the twists in your programme. Our work on all this, and the work of our member groups, has had no resource from City Hall since 2008 and we believe that an adequate scrutiny system for London will require community inputs to be resourced just as much as it will require much better forensic resources for the Assembly and its committees. 
    2. In the absence of adequate resources, we don’t envisage that your committee’s report on MDCs will be able to qualify as an adequate scrutiny and we hope that it will be forceful about the need for a serious scrutiny – an independent one in which evidence is made public and open to challenge. We note that there is no sign yet of action on your recommendation earlier in the session for a review of Opportunity Areas more widely.
    3. Your decision, quite late in the day, to focus this meeting mainly on LLDC and thus stand down the community representatives from Old Oak Neighbourhood Forum and the Grand Union Alliance might have been acceptable but the heads of OPDC were on your panel nonetheless and with no independent voices to challenge them. Thus David Lunts was able flatly to deny the allegations of low transparency reported by AM Berry and was later free to denigrate (by implication) both of the community networks as NIMBY ‘usual suspects’, best ignored. Detailed written evidence was (and is) before you on that and you should have had oral testimony too in any fair process. 
    4. We need to make a number of specific points on the LLDC discussion, having now listened to the recording of the Q&A.

    4.1 On employment displaced for the Olympic Games, we understand that the figures given were based on the numbers employed by companies which received a payout under the CPO so it is an underestimate as there were companies whose leases were expiring who did not receive any compensation.  In addition we know there were people working informally and there would have been people on casual or temporary arrangements who wouldn’t have been included in permanent employment figures. The businesses being evicted claimed as many as 11,000 jobs would be lost, see in this article below. That may be an exaggeration but the figure was certainly higher than 5,000 

    https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/this-britain/up-in-smoke-the-firm-that-lost-out-in-the-olympics-509766.html

    4.2 Lyn Garner’s replies on employment seemed to deal only with jobs on the Park and at the International Quarter, not with jobs elsewhere in the designated area, such as Carpenters about which Dr Myfanwy Taylor spoke, giving a much more negative narrative.

    4.3 Lyn Garner’s replies on housing appeared to be limited only to the land owned by the Corporation and to exclude the rest of the designated area for which it is the LPA. And she entirely failed to respond to the question about the influence of rising property prices on housing and workplace affordability more widely in the host boroughs and east London.

    4.4 Specifically in our own written submission in May we reported the dominance of open market homes and the low proportions of social housing in the output of the host boroughs between 2010 and 2019 (page 4) and the low proportions of social and “affordable” housing in the LLDC designated area, using data from the Kerslake review and the LLDC’s Annual Monitoring Reports (page 10). More recently, the latest in a long line of research by Dr Penny Bernstock reported at the September universities conference on the Legacy presents detailed figures on schemes within the Park and also for the wider LLDC area, concluding that ‘across the whole area, 29% of housing was affordable and the majority of [the affordable] housing built was intermediate.’ (tables 3, 4 and 5 in Mark Sustr, Housing Legacy, in Bernstock et al (eds) State of the Legacy, UCL, Oxford Brookes, University of Cardiff and UEL, 2022, pp 77-99).  The housing activity of LLDC, as developer and as planning authority for the wider area, has overwhelmingly contributed to the open market stock of homes (70% overall) and not to meeting the needs of a deprived population or reducing deprivation. 

    5. We note that the Assembly’s Budget and Performance Committee is considering both MDCs next week so we are sending this letter to them as well.

    Very best wishes, (Just Space) 30 November 2022

    checked M E 27 July 2025

  • Legacy?

    Legacy?

    Just Space has today written to the members of the London Assembly Planning and Regeneration Committee, prior to their meeting on Wednesday 23rd November about the London Legacy Development Corporation and any lessons which could be learned for Old Oak Park Royal. Interested people should try to attend the meeting in the new City Hall or follow or catch up online. We wrote:

    Short statement from Just Space

    This meeting on MDCs has been postponed a number of times and its scope has changed. Just Space prepared a substantial submission on both MDCs and submitted it to the secretariat, by agreement, in May 2022. In the changed circumstances indicated by the Committee’s agenda, released on 16th November, and because the Just Space and other community submissions are not being circulated as supporting papers, it may be helpful if the Committee has this short summary of the JustSpace position.

    Openness to community knowledge and inputs

    London’s Opportunity Areas have been strongly criticised for failing to pay attention to communities of residents and businesses in and around their boundaries. These failings, by elected local governments and the GLA, were the subject of strong representations to earlier meetings of the Committee and remain unresolved. 

    The creation of the two MDCs could perhaps have led to reductions in this democratic deficit if they had strong enough instructions to do so. Initially the LLDC did seem to listen and create space for the Carpenters community to express their needs and develop a Neighbourhood Plan, though in the end it was Newham, as land owner, which was able to override them. In both MDCs a number of local councillors were nominated to serve as a minority on Boards and Planning Committees and this was considered by the Mayor as providing local accountability. However it completely failed, local councillors failing to open up decisions to the community and being complicit in decisions which had adverse community impacts. Where they resisted (as in the MSG Sphere case at Stratford) they were outvoted by the property industry majority on the relevant committee. Simply reverting development management powers back to the Boroughs when the corporations are dissolved is not an adequate answer.

    What was valuable was that the requirement on both MDCs to produce Local Plans led to EiPs at which community groups and local businesses were enabled to argue their case, submit evidence and have some influence – just the sort of process which we have always argued should be normal in Opportunity Areas, both for initial planning and for ongoing management. This does not mean that communuty groups are happy with the resulting plans in either case, but they have at least been heard.

    Community groups in both MDC areas have pointed to the conflicts of interest which exist between the role of planning authority, responsible for pursuing the public interest and following evidence of need, and development agency, responsible for promoting its developments. A further conflict is between the Mayor of London’s roles as promoter and owner of the Corporations and as ‘person’ accountable and reliable in cases of dispute.

    Housing and development achievements

    No amount of clever design of special agencies could solve the problem that big development on complex sites cannot be achieved by organisations which don’t own the land and don’t have the money. The LLDC did have a lot of land and should have been able to deliver the socially rented housing so badly needed in Newham and adjoinging boroughs. This priority was not clearly embedded in its foundation nor reflected in its Board members or staffing which appear to have been oriented much more to property development interests and generating capital receipts against accumulated debt. ‘Convergence’ was always an inadequate aim because it could be achieved either by the reduction of deprivation or by the dilution or replacement of deprived people by richer people.

    Major urban transformations in our sort of economy boost land values both within their patch and also for miles around and for years to come but the current London model simply tries to capture some of this value through initial negotiated developer contributions from high value developments. Then, when that doesn’t offer all the social infrastructure and social housing that is needed, additional density and height are added to an extent that is unacceptable to citizens and environmentally dangerous. This will be a problem of Opportunity Areas whether or not they have MDCs, but MDCs magnify the ambition and scale of development in ways that have become harmful to sustainable development in London.

    The affordability of housing for working class people in east London has been reduced by the price and rent escalation triggered by LLDC, despite the fact that a very small number of households will have benefitted from the tiny provision of ‘affordable’ homes.

    The problem is even worse at OPDC where the Corporation had neither land not the capital funding needed to transform this intricate area. Even the land in the ownership of other Mayoral or government bodies was not effectuvely under the corrporation’s control.

    The arguments summarised here are elaborated and evidenced in the Just Space evidence submitted to the Committee secretariat on 24 May 2022, available with other documents at JustSpace.org.uk/MDC

    18 November 2022

    checked July 27 2025 M E

  • MDC

    MDC

    Mayoral Development Corporations (MDCs) and opportunity areas

    The London Assembly Planning and Regeneration Committee is doing an investigation on London’s 2 Mayoral Development Corporations, one for the Olympic Park and surrounding areas (LLDC) and one for Old Oak and Park Royal (OPDC). Just Space has been involved in both areas and has submitted evidence in advance of the Committee’s meeting (originally scheduled for March 2022, then May but now November 23 2022).

    Our 18 November blog post is an update and further statement for the November committee meeting and our post of 3 December updates the saga ready for the Budget and Performance scrutiny on 7 December.

    This landing page brings the material together up to 2023.

    Download the Just Space evidence PDF (from may 2022)

    Supporting documents: These are publications not otherwise available online when the Just Space evidence was compiled.

    Cllr Nick Sharman paper on LLDC planning and housing (revised October 2022)

    Peterson letter to Liz Peace & David Lunts 2019

    OONF evidence to Assembly P&R committee 2022

    OONF evidence to Budget & Performance Committee December 2022

    OO groups plea to OPDC 2022

    Professor Jennifer Robinson letter of 6 December 2022

    Harlesden NF progress review of OPDC 2022

    30 June Guardian has an important long article on the Olympic MDC by Olly Wainwright  https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2022/jun/30/a-massive-betrayal-how-londons-olympic-legacy-was-sold-out

    8 July Richard Brown (recently deputy head of Centre for London) paints an opposite picture, crediting Boris Johnson with having done a great job https://www.onlondon.co.uk/richard-brown-what-boris-johnson-did-for-the-queen-elizabeth-olympic-park

    The same Assembly Committee recently had a discussion on Opportunity Areas, the result of which is reported and discussed in our blog post here.

    Our letter to the chairs and members of both committees 3 December 2022, in a blog post https://justspace.org.uk/2022/12/03/mayors-development-corporations-not-going-well

    Charles Wright article on the Assembly Planning and Regeneration Committee meeting. 29 November 2022 on MDCs

  • m14 notes 23 January 2019

    m14 notes 23 January 2019

    Matter 14: Opportunity Areas

    Warning: Just Space and UCL are trying to make available some sort of record of what happens in the EiP for the benefit of community members. Notes are being taken by postgraduate students and checked/edited so far as possible by more experienced staff and others. Neither Just Space nor UCL offers any guarantee of the accuracy of these notes. If you wish to depend on what was said at the EiP you should check with the speaker or with the audio recordings being made by the GLA. If you spot mistakes in these notes please help us to correct them by emailing m.edwards at ucl.ac.uk

    The questions posed by the Panel were:
    M14.Are the Opportunity Areas identified on the Key Diagram and Figures 2.4 to 2.12 likely to deliver the indicative number of additional homes and jobs assumed in the Plan in a way that is justified and consistent with national policy? In particular:
    a)  Are sites likely to be available in the Opportunity Areas with sufficient capacity to accommodate the expected scale of development?
    b)  Have the Opportunity Areas been chosen having due regard to flood risk in accordance with national policy?
    c)  To be effective in preventing unacceptable risk from pollution and land instability and ensuring that development only takes place on sites that are suitable for the use proposed, is it necessary for the Plan to set out a strategic approach to dealing with despoiled, degraded, derelict, contaminated and unstable land in Opportunity Areas?
    d)  How would the development proposed be likely to affect the character and appearance of existing places within and around the Opportunity Areas including with regard to heritage assets and their settings?
    e)  Is the necessary transport and other physical, environmental and social infrastructure likely to be in place in each of the Opportunity Areas in a timely manner?
    f)  Would the development proposed in the Opportunity Areas support policyGG1 “building strong and inclusive communities” and Policy SD10 “strategic and local regeneration”?
    g)  Would Policy SD1 provide an effective strategic context for the preparation of local plans and neighbourhood plans?
    h)  Is the approach to development management set out in SD1 consistent with national policy and would it be effective particularly in terms of therole of “planning frameworks”?

    The OAs session was carried out over half a day and community organizations involved in the Examination, including Just Space, felt that more time should have been allocated to discuss such an important issue. With the number of OAs designated in the draft new London Plan (NLP) substantially increasing from previous years, various concerns were raised. The Examiner highlighted that the NLP did not clearly stress the status of housing and job targets: are these binding minimum targets the Boroughs will have to achieve? Are they only indications? The GLA was asked to clarify its position and to make it explicit in the text that these are indicative and should be met whenever possible, without it being a compulsory requirement, since there remains a lot of uncertainty in relation to transport projects (such as Crossrail 2, upon which many OAs are depending if they are to achieve their targets) and the ability to unlock land for investments on those sites. The GLA, however, made it clear that the housing targets for OAs included in the Strategic Housing Land Availability (SHLAA) were estimates of what could be done without Crossrail 2 and without the Bakerloo extension to Lewisham.

     

    A representative from the London Borough of Camden welcomed GLA’s changes to the figures as result of their discussions. However, the representative added that the figures for Euston should be changed to match the Euston Plan rather than the generic London Plan as the figures in the Euston Plan had been based on more detailed studies of the Euston area and are therefore more realistic.  A representative from the Canary Wharf Group added that the employment figures presented in the plan had been carried forward from the 2008 plan and in the last 10 years more than 48,000 jobs have been created; the plan should be altered to reflect this (we need to check this). The representative further argues that the evidence base to back up the indicative figures is not justified. She suggested that there is now a different appetite for jobs, houses and workplaces. The Inspector summarised by saying that the evidence base for the figures needed to be updated.

     

    The process through which OAs are designated was criticised as opaque, lacking in evidence-base and criteria; past experiences in King’s Cross and current development in Euston, Old Oak Common and the Isle of Dogs have demonstrated the GLA’s and Boroughs’ failure adequately to engage local communities in this process. In particular, it was highlighted that the high housing targets set out in many OAs puts immense pressure on the need to extract value to pay for transport investments (these are necessary to achieve densification targets), giving developers more room to build upwards and to cut down the amount of social housing. In addition, although OA policy has been used in various iterations of the London Plan since 2004, OAs have never been subject to an extensive and independent evaluation.

     

    Just Space referred to its long-standing view that there should be a moratorium on further designations until there had been an independent review of the experience with OAs to date. The GLA officers responded that they do intend to undertake a full review of OA experience in the coming year.

     

    The London Forum added that in the past OAs have been designated without any recognition of the impact that they will have on the surrounding areas.  Giving the example of White City the representative stated that the OA team and GLA and the local borough colluded to produce development that exceeded the density matrix. Further stressing that this is not just about the impact on heritage but to the intangible value that heritage has to communities. Jennifer Robinson for Just Space agreed that new places are encouraged by the NLP to ‘set their own character’ but that this should not override existing character. Caroline Shah (Just Space) from Kingston, agreed saying the process for establishing OAs is unsound and doesn’t take into account the views of communities or borough character studies. Giving the example of Kingston, a nascent OA, Shah argued that the process leading to designation happened behind closed doors and failed to consider impacts on character, heritage, visual integration with surrounding neighbourhoods, ecology or biodiversity.

     

    The London Assembly Planning Committee consider that London’s unique selling point is the distinctiveness of its neighbourhoods but that some of the OAs have been designed and built as if they could be anywhere. Suggesting that SD1 B4 be amended with wording which requires places to be attractive and sustainable while ensuring the historic fabric, assets and character of neighbourhoods are taken care of.

     

    The GLA team said the NLP laid out a different approach to OAs going forward, that a new team was in charge and that the creation of Opportunity Area Planning Frameworks (OAPFs) would be made more inclusive and subject to revisions every five years as OAs get developed. Concerns were raised on the status of OAPFs – where they sit in relation to the NPPF, the NLP, local development plans and Supplementary Planning Guidance remains unclear. Until now the GLA has treated these as Supplementary Planning Guidance, thus limiting the potential for public scrutiny and public engagement on the development of OAPF. However, given their importance in setting strategic directions for development projects in OAs, various stakeholders indicated that their status should be revised and clarified. In particular JS, the Forum and others argued that plans for all OAs must go through a full development plan process including Examination in Public. Interestingly the Housebuilders (HBF) representative agreed, stressing that developers also need certainty about the lawfulness and dependability of plans.

     

    Commenting on the complaints of democratic deficit of OAPFs, the GLA said that they acquired legitimacy by having been through the London Plan EiP process, and in the case of long-established ones, been through it a number of times.

     

    A number of groups complained that the major London-wide issues raised by Opportunity Areas, combined with the – in effect – designation of a whole new batch required more than half a day of examination and sought more time.

    Edited by Enora Robin from notes by Cecilia Colombo, Gabi Abadi, Sam Colchester, Alice Devenyns and Emma Woodward

    back to main EiP page

    On to the next blog post: Regeneration, Matter 15

  • m10-13 notes 22 January 2019

    m10-13 notes 22 January 2019

    M10-13 Overall Spatial Development Strategy

    Warning: Just Space and UCL are trying to make available some sort of record of what happens in the EiP for the benefit of community members. Notes are being taken by postgraduate students and checked/edited so far as possible by more experienced staff and others. Neither Just Space nor UCL offers any guarantee of the accuracy of these notes. If you wish to depend on what was said at the EiP you should check with the speaker or with the audio recordings being made by the GLA. If you spot mistakes in these notes please help us to correct them by emailing m.edwards at ucl.ac.uk

    The Panel questions were: M10 Should the vast majority of London’s development needs be met within London?
    a)  Is the approach of seeking to accommodate the vast majority of identified development requirements between 2019 and 2041 within London justified and would so doing contribute to the objective of achieving sustainable development?
    b)  Alternatively, would accommodating more of London’s development needs in the wider South East and beyond better contribute to the objective of achieving sustainable development?
    c)  If so, is there a realistic prospect that such an approach in London and the wider South East could be delivered in the context of national policy and legislation?

    M11. Is the strategic approach to accommodating development needs within London justified and consistent with national policy? In particular:
    a)  Is the focus on the Central Activities Zone, Town Centres, Opportunity Areas and through the intensification of existing built-up areas in inner and outer London whilst protecting the Green Belt and Metropolitan Open Land justified and would it be effective in meeting identified needs and achieving sustainable development?
    b)  Alternatively, should some of London’s development needs be met through reviewing Green Belt and Metropolitan Open Land in London?

    M12. Is the broad spatial distribution of housing and employment development proposed in the Plan, including between inner and outer London10, justified and would it contribute to the objective of achieving sustainable development particularly in terms of minimising the need to travel and maximising the use of sustainable transport modes; building a strong, competitive economy; creating healthy, inclusive communities; and respecting the character and appearance of different parts of London?

    M13. Would the Plan be effective in ensuring that adequate physical, environmental and social infrastructure is in place in a timely manner to support the amount and type of development proposed? In particular:
    a)  Is the development proposed in the Plan dependent on the provision of the infrastructure identified in the London Infrastructure Plan 2050 [NLP/EC/020]?
    b)  If so, is the strategy justified and would it be effective, bearing in mind that the delivery of some of the infrastructure projects is not certain and that there is an identified infrastructure funding gap of at least £3.1billion per year?
    c)  What, if any, strategic infrastructure other than that identified in the London Infrastructure Plan 2050 is likely to be needed to support the development proposed in the Plan?

    On Tuesday 22nd January, the Examination in Public focused on the overall Spatial Development Strategy laid out in the New London Plan (NLP). The session ran over a full day and was the occasion to question the relevance (and likelihood) of meeting London’s housing, infrastructure and jobs needs within the GLA boundaries, following the ‘compact city’ approach laid out in the NLP. Overall, the discussions set out the scene for further thematic examination of the NLP’s approach to spatial development by highlighting that the housing targets it introduces would be extremely difficult to achieve, for multiple reasons.

    Firstly, there is evidence of a consistent failure in meeting housing targets set out in past London plans. Various participants including Outer Boroughs, local authorities from the East of England and South East (together called Wider South East), house building organizations and community groups expressed concerns on the feasibility and consequences (in terms of density, displacement, etc.) of the objectives set out in the NLP (66,000 homes a year). LSE London and Just Space both highlighted that London’s footprint extends beyond its administrative boundaries and this has implications for housing markets beyond the GLA border. Similarly, major infrastructure projects – and national policies – do create connexions between London and its broader functional region. As a result, growth projections and housing strategies need to account for these effects and to engage with local authorities in the Wider South East in order to realistically assess what the appropriate (and realistic) response to housing needs and population growth might be. The point was made that more engagement from the Mayor (beyond the ‘willing partners’ approach) was needed to ensure mutually beneficial strategies could be laid out in collaboration with other local authorities. The GLA team responded this was something they were pursuing and that it would take time to engage in collaboration with partners outside the GLA.

    Secondly, it was noted that the NLP differs from previous plans in that Outer London Boroughs are asked to contribute to the provision of housing and jobs in a greater proportion than Inner London Boroughs. A representative from the London Borough of Enfield welcomed this ambition but doubted it could be achieved without giving greater autonomy and flexibility to Boroughs themselves so that they can achieve their targets. A representative from the London Borough of Croydon stressed that housing and job targets should be supported by an assessment of their impact on local communities. A lot of Outer Boroughs’ housing density targets will be conditioned by the delivery of major infrastructure schemes, such as Crossrail 2, which are themselves highly uncertain. Unlocking land for development and incentivising densification might be necessary to address housing needs, but the NLP should incorporate further consideration of the issues it will raise in relation to the provision of key services (schools, health) and transport infrastructures within the GLA boundaries and beyond.
    Thirdly,  the mechanisms laid out in the NLP to accelerate housing delivery in Town Centres, Opportunity Areas and Small Sites were deemed problematic for various reasons including the lack of clarity on their impact on employment & services, local character (for Town Centres), the type of incentives and behavioural changes that would be needed to bring these forward (in the case of small sites), their ability to deliver affordable housing for all Londoners and to protect existing communities (in the case of Opportunity Areas).
    Overall, there was a consensus that the targets set out in the NLP were likely to be unrealistic and that their delivery – particularly as they focus on unlocking opportunities for private-led developments – would raise sustainability challenges, specifically in relation to the protection of local communities – low and middle income –, the provision of affordable housing and in relation to the protection of local character and heritage.
    Just Space was almost alone in challenging the spatial structure of London as it was emerging and foreseen in the draft Plan, challenging the GLA’s asssertion that the premium rents paid by firms to locate in the Central Activities Zone (CAZ) was adequate evidence to support the Plan’s continuing priority for central employment growth. JS agreed that the benefits of agglomeration do indeed accrue to businesses and to the owners of bulldings in which they operate, but that the costs of agglomeration were great too, and are borne by the population (air quality, housing costs, travel costs) or mitigated by massive state invetments in radial transport. This was partly why Just Space has called for less emphasis on CAZ growth, more on sustaining existing and growing employment in the rest of London. The spatial strategy of Just Space, of which this is an element, should have been evaluated as part of the Strategic Environmental Assessment (which we had argued under Matter 1 SEA). This community-generated spatial strategy is based in maximising local accessibility between homes and jobs, sustaining and building upon non-central local economies, focusing transport investment on orbital and bus routes as well as walking and cycling and thus reducing the need to travel.

    Edited by Enora Robin from notes by Cecilia Colombo, Gabi Abadi, Sam Colchester, Alice Devenyns and Emma Woodward

    Later Paul Burnham from Tottenham who spoke from the Just Space seat, presenting the Just Space case for part of the day, wrote
    “The existing London Plan 2016 (Policy 3.3) advocates estate demolition both to build additional homes, and because the estates are seen as bad in themselves: supposedly mono-tenure places which entrench social exclusion, etc.  All of this is all changing in the Draft New Plan, which lists in Policy H1, six sources of new housing supply, which do NOT include the redevelopment of council estates.  Of course the GLA is still facing both ways.  But it is no longer encouraging estate demolitions as hard as before.”

    back to main EiP page

    On to next blog post: Opportunity Areas M14

     

  • Latin Elephant: the future

    Latin Elephant: the future

    Published on 6 June 2016, The Case for London’s Latin Quarter: Retention, Growth and Sustainability  (Authors: Patria Roman-Velazquez and Nicola Hill) sets out a strategic vision for the development of the existing Latin American business cluster at Elephant and Castle (EC) in the Borough of Southwark, London.

    It is supported by a series of development proposals which together seek to maximise opportunities arising from the process of urban change. It also identifies existing barriers to growth for this business cluster and provides recommendations to overcome these so that the valuable entrepreneurial activity of migrant ethnic businesses (MEBs) can continue whilst helping to maintain social cohesion.

    The existing Latin Quarter is widely regarded as an integral part of the current and future retail offering for EC. However, small migrant and ethnic businesses require alternative models for retention, economic growth and sustainability in light of regeneration. These have been considered throughout the study and are outlined in the report accordingly.

    The report includes one chapter on Migrant and Ethnic Businesses and Urban Change, and sets 3 priority areas and 10 recommendations for engaging with and increasing participation of migrant and ethnic retailers under intense processes of urban regeneration. It presents evidence on MEB’s and some definitions for migrant entrepreneurship, ethnic entrepreneurs and migrant and ethnic economies.

    Executive Summary: http://latinelephant.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/ExSum-The-Case-for-Londons-Latin-Quarter-FINAL-web.pdf

    Full Report: http://latinelephant.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/The-Case-for-Londons-Latin-Quarter-WEB-FINAL.pdf

    This is the blog post with condensed summary & links to the report: http://latinelephant.org/the-case-for-londons-latin-quarter-retention-growth-sustainability-3/  You can follow developments on this site.

    Coverage in The Guardian 7 June: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/davehillblog/2016/jun/07/latin-southwark-seeks-its-place-in-elephant-and-castles-future

    This initiative is in tune with the Just Space proposals for understanding the diverse economies of London – made in our response to GLA Economics in the previous post on this blog.

    Checked M E 21 07 2025

  • West Kensington & Gibbs Green

    West Kensington & Gibbs Green

    WKGG3ashArchitects for Social Housing (ASH) exhibited its proposals for the West Kensington and Gibbs Green estates, which are threatened with full demolition and redevelopment by Hammersmith and Fulham Council in collaboration with Capco property developers. ASH’s proposals are part of the feasibility study for The People’s Plan, which in turn is part of the residents’ application for a Right to Transfer from the local authority to a community-owned, resident-controlled housing association.  This exhibition formed the basis for a workshop on their methods.
    Following extensive consultation with residents, ASH is proposing a significant number of additional homes on the estates, from 1-3 bedroom flats and houses, including disabled accommodation. The sale of a percentage of these on the private market will generate the funds to refurbish the 760 existing homes, improve the existing landscape, and provide many new communal facilities.
    ASH believes their architectural proposal for The People’s Plan is a model of home and community building that can be exported across London and the UK, and a genuinely sustainable and financially viable response to the housing crisis.
    Architects for Social Housing (ASH) was set up in March 2015 in order to
    respond architecturally to London’s housing ‘crisis’. We are a working collective of architects, planners, housing campaigners and activists operating with developing ideas under set principles. First among these is the conviction that infill, build-over and refurbishment are more sustainable solutions to London’s housing needs than the demolition and redevelopment of the city’s council estates. To this end, we propose architectural alternatives to demolition that both increase housing capacity on estates as well as generating funds for the renovation of the existing homes, while leaving the communities they house intact.
    WKGGtimelineASH